Ethnic conflict is a major
issue worldwide; the Tamils and Sinhalese in Sri Lanka, ethnic clash in Sudan,
ethnic clash between Israel and Palestine, the list is in-exhaustive.
In the aftermath of
independence, Indian leaders such as B R Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru were
wary of the dangers of federalism resulting in ethnic succession and
balkanization of the state. However, the political elites had to accept ethnic
plurality and agreed that in the face of national integration and development,
creation of a secular and federal polity was unavoidable.
A spate for demand for
statehood started from the 1960s and ever since, even the demand of frivolous
groups has been gaining momentum. Faced with such uprisings some pertinent
questions arise such as—
- Why has there been a growth in separatist sentiments among minority ethnic groups in different parts of India?
- Would separate statehood actually work to make life better for the people of the state?
Thirty years hence
independence, INC was the central political organisation of India. However,
under the authoritarian leadership of Indira Gandhi, the secular and democratic
spirit of the country came under a constant threat. Her desperate measures to
retain power at the centre oversaw political criminalization of Indian polity,
politicization of Indian bureaucracy and security agencies, and arrogance with
the opponents of the congress party. For the first time India witnessed defeat
of the congress at the centre and the formation of a coalition government. Soon,
regional parties started mushrooming across the country. Such political pieces
gained power by tapping into ethno-linguistic, religious and regional
sentiments.
Researchers have
categorized four broad categories as the cause of ethnic political mobilization
and agitation—
First, the ethnic group
fear cultural dilution.
Second, modernization has
induced large-scale population migration, forcing ethnic groups to live in
close proximity and compete with other groups for rewards and resources. This
has increased their socio-political awareness and their capacity to politically
mobilize for collective action.
Third, unequal development
of ethnic groups, poverty, exploitation and lack of opportunity has triggered
strong feelings of relative deprivation among ethnic groups and spark
ethno-political movements.
Finally, political factors
such as mal-governance rise of regional political parties and formation of weak
coalition governments at the centre may also contribute significantly to such
outbreak.
The truth is, political
powers are riding piggy-bank on such sentiments and fuelling indigenous
group-protest for personal benefits. The Indian political platform has seen the
rise of selfish interest and motives over the common good. A handful are
profiting from such agitations and shoving the welfare of the country under the
carpet. Power-hungry interest groups are thriving while the populace goes back
to the old drudgery of life. Statehood is only a momentary pacification of the
angry, impulsive mass. In the long term, the leaders must be true to their
commitment to the people to bring about any real change in their livelihood.
As late as 1830, a British
Governor in India, Sir Charles Metcalfe, described the village community as
follows—
“The village communities are little republics having nearly everything
they want within themselves and almost independent of foreign relations. They
seem to last where nothing else lasts. This union of the village communities,
each one forming a seperate little state in itself…is in a high degree
conducive to their happiness, and to the enjoyment of a great portion of
freedom and independence.”
The picture of village
swaraj as conceived by Gandhiji is not the resurrection of the old village
panchayats but the fresh formation of independent village units of swaraj in
the context of the present-day world. According to Gandhiji, ideal society is a
stateless democracy, the state of enlightened anarchy. Such an ideal is as
elusive as the Euclid’s line which can never be possible in reality, but, “it is only by keeping the ideal line in mind
that we have made progress in geometry”.
India has over two
thousand ethnic groups. If the demands of statehood from ethnic groups are met
with, such demands will increase in number and capacity. Soon, we will run out
of numbers to count our states. However, organizing them into independent hamlets
seems a progressive way of adopting Gandhiji’s farsighted ideas. Gandhiji was a
true visionary. Thus, instead of fragmenting India into atomic pieces and
chalking out meaningless boundaries we must work from bottom upwards. Gandhiji
ultimately stressed on the power of the individual who is the crucial unit in
the vision of a village swaraj.
Modern democracies are
election-centred, party-dominated, power-centric complex mechanism. And in such
a scenario the individual has been relegated to the position of a dumb,
mechanic, programmed voter. Individuals are make-belief masters and upholders
of democracy. The truth is, they present themselves at periodical elections for
casting their vote and then sleep away until the next one. Such actions are
once again, under the careful monitoring of a centralized party system and the
guidance of the newspapers which are mainly tools of prominent political
powers.
The only pathway of
transforming these menial dumb-waiters into thoughtful, intelligent human
beings is via education. Education is not the art of caricaturing one’s
signature. Education is imparting of knowledge. Knowledge is power. Nelson
Mandela says,” Education is the most
powerful weapon which we can use to change the world”. Thus, in order to
realise Gandhiji’s dream, we need to educate the masses to mould him into that
crucial unit.
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Payel Halder has chosen Indian Policy to share her views on Indian democracy and its associated issues. You can contact her at indianpolicy2010@gmail.com
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