Monday, July 23, 2012

India in Central Asia

As negotiations for the withdrawal of international security forces in Afghanistan by 2014 gather pace, India has decided to revive its only overseas military base in Farkhor, Tajikistan. Officials from the Ministry of External Affairs will travel there next month to finalise arrangements, following which Tajik President Emomali Rakhmon is expected to visit India in September.

The revival of the Farkhor airbase and the upgrading of the military hospital on its premises, where former Northern Alliance leader and ‘Lion of Panjshir’ Ahmed Shah Massoud was treated for his fatal injuries from the suicide bomb attack on September 9, 2011 — two days before the September 11 incidents in America — is a crucial link to India’s revamped Connect Central Asia policy unveiled in June at a dialogue forum in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan, by Minister of State for External Affairs E. Ahamed.

With India’s risk-averse corporate community unwilling to follow the government’s lead in establishing a firmer footprint in the region since the break-up of the Soviet Union 20 years ago, Delhi has come to the conclusion that it must use its own muscle to project its strategic presence in Central Asia.

Much has already been written about this hydrocarbon-rich region and how China, Russia and U.S.-dominated western consortiums have laid networks of oil-and-gas pipelines to service their own markets. China, especially, has used energy supplies from Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan to fuel its relentless rise as an economic power – but the truth is that none of these benignly authoritarian regimes are complaining.

Kazakhstan has leveraged the sale of its energy resources to become, with a per-capita GDP of $13,000 in purchasing power parity terms, the richest state in all of Central Asia. Astana, a windy city in the Siberian steppe, was transformed into the capital in 1997 by a diktat of its President, Nursultan Nazarbayev, and today its skyline is littered with glass-and-gold-domed buildings. Divided by a river — the Ishim — that runs through the town, Astana has a Left Bank and a Right Bank, besides a glass-and-concrete pramid that doubles up as an exhibition space and a concert hall that looks like the Parthenon. Outsiders may wonder at the copycat Disneyland, but the Kazakhs are certainly not complaining.

Mr. Nazarbayev is hardly a latter-day version of Mohammed bin Tughlaq — who whimsically moved his capital from Delhi to the Deccan in the 14th century and then had to move it back — although he completely controls the state apparatus. Mr. Nazarbayev decided, when he came to Delhi for the Republic Day festivities in 2009, that 25 per cent of the Satpayev oil block will be given to OVL. Both China’s CNOOC and U.S.’ Chevron already had their share of Kazakh energy spoils and Mr. Nazarbayev wanted to expand options. (His wife is also believed to have been a follower of the Sathya Sai Baba, thereby adding to the India connection.)

That’s the general perception of India in Central Asia — that it is a rising regional power, not quite in the league of China but interesting to behold because of its enormous market, its incredible culture, its singular capacity to innovate and even its fractious democracy. India is not a priority, but it cannot be ignored.

Interestingly enough, a mirror-perception about Central Asia persists among the Indian elite. The land of Babur (Uzbekistan) and Bairam Khan (Turkmenistan) and Mirza Hiadar Dughlati (Kazakhstan) and Bedil (Tajikistan) is still cloaked in the mist of history and its combined 65 million population has largely been ignored. Although most Central Asian capitals are a couple of hours away from Delhi by air, the lack of connectivity by rail or road means that serious business interest is almost absent.

So China-Central Asia trade tips the scales at $29 billion and U.S.-Central Asia trade touches $26 billion while India-Central Asia trade stands at only $500 million (excluding investment in the Satpayev oil block and the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India, or TAPI, gas pipeline, which will take five years to fructify). That’s why India must do things differently if it has to return to Central Asia.

Alongside the revival of the Farkhor airbase in Tajikistan and the upgrading of the defence relationship with Dushanbe, private hospital chains like Max are being persuaded to set up trauma centres — if not hospitals — in key cities all over the region. Plans are afoot to start an India-Central Asia university in Bishkek. An e-information technology network is on the cards, just like in key countries in Africa. Meanwhile, talks are on with a Russian channel with a treasure trove of Hindi films, perfectly dubbed into Russian, to expand broadcast all over Central Asia. From Raj Kapoor to Shahrukh Khan, Bollywood is still the key to open hearts and minds in Central Asia.

With the western withdrawal from Afghanistan on the cards, the Central Asian pot will boil further. India lost the opportunity to drive deep into the region when the Soviet Union collapsed 20 years, but it’s now getting a second chance.

Hopefully Delhi won’t mess it up again.

Friday, July 20, 2012

Not missing the wood for the gold

In ancient Indian chronicles, Myanmar was known as Suvarnabhumi or the “golden land”' already famous for its boundless riches. Its fabled wealth of gold, silver, precious gems and much more, attracted invaders and traders from around the world. There is now a 21st century version of a “gold rush” beginning to take hold as Myanmar opens its doors to the world. Nothing demonstrates this more starkly than the U.S. government decision to lift the prohibition on new American investment in Myanmar including doing business with state owned oil companies. This is despite the public plea from the leader of the country’s democracy movement, Aung San Suu Kyi, that such deals should be avoided until these entities embrace transparent practices and remove corruption.

Lure of opportunities

At the U.S.-Asean meeting at Siem Reap, Cambodia, which concluded on July 13, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had her second meeting with Myanmar President Thein Sein and the two later addressed the strong business contingent accompanying Ms Clinton. It was announced that a 70-member U.S. business delegation would soon visit Myanmar to explore trade and investment opportunities. Other western and Asian states are likely to follow. Clearly the lure of commercial opportunities and profit has triumphed over the hitherto careful alignment with the pace set by Ms Suu Kyi. As this trend gains strength, Ms Suu Kyi will lose one of the more potent bargaining chips she has in dealing with the military dominated government, that is her ability to calibrate the dismantling of western sanctions that have been in place for the past two-and-a-half decades. This may well lead to opinion in India that we, too, should join this rush or face further marginalisation in a key neighbouring country.

This may not be the best strategy to pursue.

In Siem Reap, Mr. Thein Sein spelt out three reforms which were on the top of his agenda. The first, he said, was to consolidate democracy, build strong democratic institutions and restore the fundamental rights of people, including the freedom of speech and assembly. The second was to achieve lasting peace in the country by reaching out to the various ethnic groups and bringing them into the national mainstream. And the third was to transform an essentially centralised economy into a market oriented one, open to foreign investment and commercial exchanges. In each of these areas India can offer itself as a significant and long-term partner, relevant to Myanmar’s own identified priority areas. India should avoid falling victim to a herd mentality but instead focus on establishing a long-term and sustainable presence in the country, encompassing political, security and economic fields. Myanmar may currently be the flavour of the month. For India, it must remain on the menu as a key foreign policy and security challenge in a rapidly changing environment.

Why is Myanmar important to India?

Here is a neighbour with whom we share a 1,600 km long land boundary. Four of our sensitive northeastern States — Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram — lie along this border. In dealing with the complex security situation prevailing in this region, Myanmar's cooperation is often critical. The two countries also share the strategic waters of the Bay of Bengal. Any hostile or inimical presence along the Myanmarese coast or on its off-shore islands facing India would be of great concern. Myanmar is also critical to the success of India’s Look East policy. It is India’s gateway to Asean and a transit country for trade and economic exchanges with southern China. The sub-regional organisation of BIMSTEC, which straddles both South and South-East Asia, gives a pivotal role to Myanmar as a regional hub. India has long standing historical, cultural and religious links with Myanmar which underpin a broad-based relationship. There are cross-border ethnic links, too, with Naga and Mizo tribes inhabiting both sides of the India-Myanmar border. The prospects for an enhanced economic partnership, in particular, in the energy sector will add to this substantive and comprehensive relationship, but only as a significant component, not as a singular rationale for engagement.

Significant presence

India’s interests require a significant, but not a dominant presence in Myanmar. Countervailing China’s hitherto overweening presence in Myanmar could not be an Indian preoccupation alone. Our interests are served as Myanmar’s foreign relations become more diversified, lowering the salience of Chinese influence.

In this context, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Myanmar in the last week of May was a major initiative. India tried to align itself with the priorities set by the Myanmar leadership itself, including Ms Suu Kyi. The Prime Minister offered Indian expertise and support in the setting up of strong democratic institutions and build capacity in parliamentary practice and procedures. India’s own experience in managing a multi-ethnic, multicultural and plural democracy is a useful point of reference as Myanmar seeks to pursue reconciliation and accommodation with its several ethnic minorities. On the economic side, the visit resulted in a number of important agreements, the most notable being the extension of a $500 million credit line to finance several projects. The two sides agreed to launch a Border Area Development Programme, which will seek to establish development corridors along the ambitious cross-border transport links that are being put in place. This will be of considerable relevance to the development of our own northeast.

The Prime Minister met Ms Suu Kyi in Yangon and extended her an invitation to visit India which she accepted. This will take place later this year. The meeting was warm and friendly with both sides eager to dispel the sense of disappointment which had resulted from India’s engagement with the Myanmar generals while she was languishing under house arrest.

Ms Suu Kyi focussed on the development challenges facing her country, particularly the alleviation of poverty among her people and was keenly interested in India’s own experience in this regard. As member of Parliament, she has declared her intention to work hard for the betterment of the lives of people, promote inter-ethnic harmony and national reconciliation and contribute to the consolidation of democracy in her country. She recognises that the way ahead is full of risks and uncertainties. One cannot say that the reform process is irreversible. Ms Suu Kyi has also been careful in her statements on the ethnic issue, which could erupt in dangerous ways. The Kachin insurgency lingers on and the recent violence in the Rakhine province involving the Rohingyas has confronted her with difficult political challenges which are not easy to resolve. In the initiatives that Ms Suu Kyi may adopt to take a leadership role in addressing these challenges, India could be a friendly and supportive partner.

India should, therefore, avoid being distracted by the gold rush and remain focussed on the long term. It has a unique opportunity to align itself with the priorities set by the leaders of Myanmar and make its own contribution to enabling a successful political and economic transition in a strategic neighbouring country.

This is a more sensible way of ensuring India’s political, economic and security interests in its strategic neighbourhood than joining the unseemly grab for resources that appears to have gripped Myanmar’s erstwhile detractors.

Source:- http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-opinion/article3655681.ece


Tuesday, July 17, 2012

When India clothed the world

This is an old one but worth a read....from The Hindu.

Indian textiles dating between 14th to early 19th century, which are on display in Singapore, reveal the creativity of Indian artists with their striking patterns and inventive motifs. It also traces the history of trade and cultural exchanges during the time when India might be said to have clothed the world.

The impact of Indian philosophies and religions on the cultures of Asia and beyond is well-known. But an on-going exhibition of 70 rare textiles at Singapore’s Asian civilizations museum (ACM), Patterns of Trade: Indian Textiles for Export 1400-1900 , has brought focus on the popularity of Indian textile art during medieval and ancient times.

“Historical records that date back to first century China and Rome point towards beautiful and richly drawn, painted and dyed, cottons and luscious hand woven silks from India. The Romans evocatively described the fine Indian muslins as ‘woven air’, which were so popular that Pliny – a famous Roman statesman – protested about Rome’s coffers being emptied to cater to the vanity of Roman women,” informs Marina Thayil, volunteer docent at ACM.
The oldest examples of Indian trade textiles have been found at sites near the Red Sea. Small fragments from 15th century were discovered at the Greek trading post of Berenike in Southern Egypt. Other discoveries at Quesir Al Qadim and Fustat, both in Egypt, have been dated to ninth and 10th centuries respectively.

By 15th century, Indian textile traders had developed a complex network from Africa to China. When Europeans landed on Indian shores in their quest for spices, they were also seduced by the high-quality materials, colour-fast dyes, floral patterns, sacred motifs, and geometric forms of the Indian textiles.

Though most designs depicted traditional Indian patterns such as elephant hunts, animals, rows of lively dancers, and even elegantly dressed women battling fantastic beasts, textile artists also responded to foreign demand and adapted designs to regional tastes. Moreover, textile designs from India influenced designers all around the world. The bright floral prints and dense rich styles of Victorian and Edwardian Britain were direct descendants of Indian chintzes traded to Europe few hundred years ago. “These textile arts show the spread of multifaceted Indian culture with all its subtleties across several continents, and especially to South-East Asia,” added Alan Chong, director at ACM.

During the peak of the trade in mid-17th century, millions of yards of Indian cloth were being sold in markets as far as Japan, Africa, Middle-East and Europe. India's central location in the Indian Ocean basin was ideal for trading textiles to both East and West, with Gujarat, the Coromandel Coast and Bengal being the major trading centres.

Artisans in India used natural dyes to colour textiles as they lasted for a long time without fading. The leaves of the indigo plant was used to produce blue; roots of madder, shell of lac beetle and wood of sappan tree for red; seed of myrobalan tree, jackfruit tree root, turmeric and pomegranate rinds for yellow; an extract of acacia tree for brown; and a mineral form of iron acetate to produce black. The artists used to over-dye yellow on indigo blue for producing the green colour.

The most widely-used production technique was called Ikat (a Malay word which means ‘to tie’). In this, the threads were tied and dyed prior to being woven into cloth. This was done either with warp (vertical) or weft (horizontal) threads. When both were dyed before weaving, it was called double Ikat or Patola . “The technique of producing Patolas was so skilled that the art remains in only three places in the modern world – Tengana in East Bali, Indonesia, Ryuku islands in Japan, and in Patan, Gujarat – where only one extended family of weavers called Salvi still continue this tradition,” said Thayil.

Other techniques included Kalamkari, resist dyeing (batik) and block printing. Kalamkari was a method used to draw or paint designs onto cloth using a mordant – a colourless substance that binds dye to the cloth. In batik technique, molten wax or some other thick paste containing ash or mud was painted onto the cloth to block the absorption of colour in a dye bath. The medieval Indian textile trade to Europe mainly depicted design pattern called Chintz, which was resist-dyed fine cotton with elaborate floral designs. Another diamond-shaped pattern called Geringsing, was found in double Ikat Patola clothes traded in Asia. The Balinese weavers of Tengana still produce clothes with this motif using the weft- Ikat technique. But the trade declined in mid-19th century when Europe was exporting more cloth to India than it imported. “Earlier, a combination of high-quality, low prices and striking designs made sure that even high-tariffs and import restrictions such as the British Calico Act of 1701, couldn’t do much to halt the Indian textile trade. But in the late 18th century, European artists adopted Indian wood-block-printing techniques, invented synthetic dyes and developed cheaper manufacturing methods such as engraved copper plates and roller printing. The advent of steam power during the industrial revolution resulted in exponential increase in productivity, enabling European traders to capture much of the Asian and African markets with cheaper and better quality clothes. Thus ending the 500-years of Indian monopoly over the world's textile trade,” concluded Thayil.